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1.
Matern Child Nutr ; 18(2): e13301, 2022 04.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-1583474

ABSTRACT

Most babies in France are fed with infant formula and then commercial complementary foods, many of which are ultra-processed and harmful to health. Internationally, there is opposition by the baby food industry to the introduction of public health policies that would limit the marketing and consumption of such products. Our aim was to identify the key baby food industry actors, describe their history and corporate political activity (CPA) in France. We sourced publicly available information, which we triangulated with data from 10 semi-structured interviews. Qualitative thematic analysis was undertaken simultaneously to data collection, guided by an existing classification of the CPA of the food industry. The baby food industry in France has shaped the science on infant and young child nutrition and nurtured long-established relationships with health professionals. This corporate science and these relationships helped baby food companies to portray themselves as experts on child-related topics. The baby food industry has also engaged with a broad range of civil society organisations, particularly through the concept of the first 1000 days of life, and during the covid-19 pandemic. We found evidence, although limited, that the baby food industry directly lobbied the French government. Since its early development in France in the 19th century, the baby food industry used its CPA to promote its products and protect and sustain its market. Our findings can be used to recognise, anticipate and address the CPA of this industry, and to minimise any negative influence it may have on babies' and mother's health.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Mothers , Female , Food Industry , Health Occupations , Humans , Infant , Infant Formula , Pandemics
2.
Strateg Manag J ; 43(4): 697-723, 2022 Apr.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-1479454

ABSTRACT

Research Summary: The COVID-19 pandemic will rank among the greatest challenges many executives will have faced and not only due to the operational challenges it posed. Upon entering the U.S. context, the disease was immediately politically polarized, with clear partisan splits forming in risk perceptions of the disease unrelated to science. We exploit this context to examine whether firms' partisan positioning affects whether and how they communicate risk to their investors on a polarized public policy issue. To do so, we examine the covariation between firms' disclosure of COVID-19 risks and the partisanship of their political giving. Our analysis of earnings call and campaign contribution data for the S&P 500 reveals a positive association between a firm's contributions to Democrats and its disclosure of COVID-19 risks. Managerial Summary: From its onset in the United States, attitudes toward and discourse around the COVID-19 pandemic was heavily politicized and perceptions of the disease's risks were seen as more serious by Democratic-identifying individuals than Republican identifiers. In this study, we examine whether this pattern also holds for U.S. publicly traded firms, who can also stake out a political position through their corporate political action committee campaign contributions. In analyses of earnings call transcripts from the first quarter of 2020, we show that the more Republican-leaning (Democrat-leaning) a firm's campaign contributions are, the less (more) likely it was to voluntarily disclose risks related to COVID-19. We argue that these findings hold implications for parties interested in interpreting firm's risk disclosures on politically polarized issues.

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